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Author Immigrant Movement

Video: Morire nel deserto

Morire nel deserto

Un filmato documenta la tragica fine degli immigrati espulsi dalla Libia. Così come prevede l’accordo siglato tra Berlusconi e Gheddafi

Le mani nere sollevate ad afferrare l’aria. Pochi passi oltre, il vento sulla camicia anima la smorfia dell’ultimo respiro di una donna. E subito accanto, il corpo di un ragazzo ancora chino nella preghiera da cui non si è mai rialzato. Muoiono così gli immigrati. Così finiscono gli uomini e le donne che non sbarcano più a Lampedusa. Bloccati in Libia dall’accordo Roma-Tripoli e riconsegnati al deserto. Abbandonati sulla sabbia appena oltre il confine. A volte sono obbligati a proseguire a piedi: fino al fortino militare di Madama, piccolo avamposto dell’esercito del Niger, 80 chilometri più a Sud. Altre volte si perdono. Cadono a faccia in giù sfiniti, affamati, assetati senza che nessuno trovi più i loro cadaveri. Un filmato però rivela una di queste stragi. Un breve video che ‘L’espresso’ è riuscito a fare uscire dalla Libia e poi dal Niger. Un’operazione di rimpatrio andata male. Undici morti. Sette uomini e quattro donne, da quanto è possibile vedere nelle immagini…

L’invenzione del clandestino

L’invenzione del clandestino

La minchia gli scassarono ‘sti migranti al governatore Lombardo, non solo l’uscio del capanno di Grammichele. Per questo incita i siciliani a far ronde notturne con il mitra, caso mai incontrassero tunisini in fuga da Mineo o sbarcati sulle coste. Li fulminassero sul bagnasciuga, come proclamò con scarsa padronanza dei termini marinari e ancor meno fortuna bellica la buonanima di Mussolini per l’altra invasione dell’isola, quella del 1943…

Ghana Think Tank

The Ghana ThinkTank
Developing the First World

Founded in 2006, the Ghana ThinkTank is a worldwide network of think tanks creating strategies to resolve local problems in the “developed” world. In our most recent project, we sent problems collected in Wales to think tanks in Ghana, Mexico, Serbia, Iran, and a group of incarcerated girls in the U.S. Prison system. The network began with think tanks from Ghana, Cuba and El Salvador, and has since expanded to include Serbia, Mexico and Ethiopia.

These think tanks analyze the problems and propose solutions, which we put into action back in the community where the problems originated – whether those solutions seem impractical or brilliant.

Some of these actions have produced workable solutions, but others have created intensely awkward situations, as we play out different cultures’ assumptions about each other.

It’s become a way to explore the friction caused by solutions that are generated in one context and applied elsewhere, while revealing the hidden assumptions that govern crosscultural interactions.

 

 

Link to Ghana Think Thank

 

Eduardo Costa’s Manifesto on Useful Art, 1969

ART21: 5 Questions (for Contemporary Practice) with Tania Bruguera by Thom Donovan

Tania Bruguera, “Tatlin’s Whisper #5,” 2008. Decontextualization of an action. Mounted police, crowd control techniques, audience. Photo: Sheila Burnett. Courtesy Tate Modern.

 

Thom Donovan: 1. What is your background as an artist and how does this background inform and motivate your practice?

Tania Bruguera: My background as an artist is the Cuban Revolution and all that brings with it, including the political performances and the lack of privacy, even in your thoughts. I also draw upon my years as a kid in Beirut from 1974–77, where the war and the news on TV were the landscape outside my window. The mixing of the Cartesian and then the socialist education I’ve received. The Perestroika struggle and hopes in the 1990s in my country and the exciting rebellious energy and atmosphere in the arts during that time in Havana. The death sentence of the General Arnaldo Ochoa. Political events closely impacted my family, especially through my father, who was a politician. And lately, my experience living outside of Cuba, especially in Chicago.

Most of all it is the fact that the only way I have to express myself and to communicate is art; outside of it I do not understand things very well. Perhaps that is why my art is also about looking for ways to communicate through other languages, idioms not belonging to art.

Motivations rearrange, and priorities change, but some of my motivation comes from the contradiction of being raised to do something socially important (like every Cuban educated before the debacle of the socialist block), and growing within the frustrating limitations imposed by that same government, who demand great things from you while simultaneously forbidding them. I guess it is sort of a case of “domestic political violence.”

The motivations also come from the inability to be cynical about it. I could never do my work out of believing in its social and political potential, and I could never just “decorate” the subjects I address for the occasional political tourists.

But what motivates me most are ethics. There is an aesthetic dimension of ethics that for me is very clear and works in very specific ways (maybe due to my socialist education?). Ethics emotionally affects me more than any artwork.

TD: 2. Do you feel there a need for the work that you are doing given the larger field of visual art and the ways that aesthetic practices may be able to shape public space, civic responsibility, and political action? Why or why not?

TB: While I practice that expanded version of aesthetics, my work is about the role of the artist in society and the possibilities for art to be directly involved in social endeavors. In order to get involved in social issues, it is important to truly commit to real action. The challenge is that artists are very often confronted with the institutional wall. So the work gets caught between a sort of hyperrealism and representationalism that affects the expectation of the artist, but also the ways in which the institutions are ready, or in some cases not, to deal with this kind of work. It is the old dilemma of responsibility in art and what the people in the institutions think the artist should be doing. Unavoidably the work starts dialoguing from an institutional critique standpoint. A new institutional critique where we do not wait for the institution, but we become “institution builders.” Sometimes within the inside of an already existing institution; other times ignoring them, so they have to catch up. It is positive institutional critique.

Artists using this methodology tend to be more interested in the effectiveness and functionality of those institutions they are building than their art-historical role, though they are aware of it. Things are analyzed from a different perspective. For example, how they “look” does not necessarily refer to a skilled trompe l’oeil reproduction of a bureaucratic structure, but rather relates to the way that structure functions. The way in which time is valued in these kinds of projects is very different. They are mostly long-term, and the old charming “beauty of failure” is not tolerated the same way, nor seen in the same working capability within this methodology. So the idea of aesthetics may be changing into effectiveness, or towards the construction of ethics. This way of working with institutional critique uses the institution’s resources in other ways, especially its privileges.

In my case when I talk about institutional critique, I include the artist within the role of the institution itself. For example when I did my project at the Pompidou, IP Détournement, the main critique of the project was not of the way the institution dealt with [its] collection, but the ways in which the artists dealt with being part of collections and their involvement with such value markets. We cannot do a Hans Haacke-type piece at this moment in time without being all involved and all held institutionally “responsible.”

I think there is a need for this methodology of working. The more that is produced the better. These approaches should not be isolated cases, but a strong positioning towards the old regime of the uses of art. Also, I’m not so sure about aesthetic practices’ (in the visual arts) ability to shape public space and civic responsibility when it doesn’t come with an ethical component. I do not believe in the autonomy of art. I never bought the impact of Guernica, nor the potential people saw in it to call for peace. I might be too cynical about it. I think people project too much in art, too much sublimation about the humanism behind it. For me, the problem is that the kind of humanism in it mostly doesn’t belong to this time, to our present, even in very contemporary artworks that we, specialists, celebrate.

Regarding the part of your question about feeling a need for the work I’m doing, I just can tell you that while I was writing this answer at the Immigrant Movement International headquarters, a person came in to ask for a lawyer to look at her immigration case, proving that reality dictates in this kind of practice. Also, I think it is necessary because the ways in which one can solve the old discussion about the relationship between art and spectatorship, in my view, is better answered this way, through Useful Art. One possible clash of Useful Art may come from the fact that some people who see themselves as the safeguards of art do not know yet how to deal with the circumstance in which works done as Useful Art ignore them and ignore certain manners of display, focusing instead on ways the aesthetic experience can be relocated.

TD: 3. Are there other projects, people, and/or things that have inspired your work? Please describe.

TB: I’ve been inspired by anything that is an attempt to implement Utopian ideas. Restrictions also trigger me, especially when someone says, “No, it is not possible.” Lately, the revolution in the Middle East (Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen, Algeria) has had a great impact on me. These events were some of the first manifestations, together with WikiLeaks and Iceland’s independence from international banks, of significant revolutionary actions in the 21st century.

In terms of Art, for me the freedom of Dadá and the social responsibility of the early Soviet Constructivists are still my main points of reference.

TD: 4. What have been your favorite projects to work on and why?

TB: My favorite projects I’ve worked on are the ones where people are enjoying it and then they say, wait, is this an artwork? My best experiences are when the work spills onto the actual terrain of politics or real experiences by its own merits, when I am able to appropriate the systems and resources of power. But to be honest, I do not always think a work is my favorite until someone comes in and tells me what they felt in it, or how they remember it 5 or 10 years later. You know, when you are working, the satisfaction of accomplishment is very fragile and evaporates very quickly because you are always starting a new work with all the complexities it brings.

Some other examples are works that can be seen with the same interest and intensity by people belonging to both worlds, the arts and the civic society, like Memoria de la Postguerra (Memory of the Postwar), a piece I did in 1993-94 in the format of a newspaper that circulated the streets of Havana in an underground manner and was talked about by many who are not in the arts. It was even discussed at the communist party’s assembly on the work of my aunt, who had nothing to do with art. Also Tatlin’s Whisper #6 (version for Havana), a piece where I staged one minute of public free speech for anybody who wanted to say what their political thoughts were, and which became an exceptionally liberating moment, such that my neighbors talked to me about it in the days following, and it was also part of the news. People in power had to reconsider their tactics and were somehow momentarily paralyzed with this event. Also a piece I did in the format of an educational space, Cátedra Arte de Conducta (School of Behavior Art) between 2002 and 2009, which became the first studies of political art. There we were teaching about ethics, sociology, and the ways in which an idea could be part of society.

TD: 5. What projects would you like to work on in the future? What directions do you imagine taking your work in?

TB: Well, I had to wait five years to do my current project, Immigrant Movement International, and I think this is what I will be devoting my next few years to, so I guess, for once, past, present, and future have coincided. Now I’m focusing on learning as much as possible, due to the fact that I have an incredible situation working with CreativeTime’s and the Queens Museum’s human resources and years of experience.

My work is done through what I call Political – Timing Specific, so while I know what I want to address with my work, the ways I do it and the priority it takes is mostly decided by political circumstances and not by me.

In the near future, I have accepted an invitation to bring Immigrant Movement International to a public presentation in Miami at the end of the year and next year to México City, through Sala de Arte Público Siqueiros, where we are working on creating the electoral campaign for Immigrant Movement International.

What I do not see myself doing for a while is exhibiting in a museum or a white cube.

link to the ART21 blog

The First ‘Make a Movement’ Sunday

4/3/11 ‘Make a Movement’ Sunday: A Slogan Writing Workshop and Openhouse

‘Make a Movement’ Sundays is a community-oriented event series which takes place the first Sunday of every month. On April 3rd, 2011, more than one hundred people spoke their mind and came up with slogans about immigration. Check out the photos and amazing tote bags to be used for upcoming demonstrations or simply to display support for immigrant rights.

Click here to see more photos…

Carlos Motta – The Good Life/La Buena Vida

Carlos Motta – The Good Life/La Buena Vida

The Good Life is a multi-part video project composed of over 400 video interviews with pedestrians on the streets of twelve cities in Latin America shot between 2005 and 2008. The work examines processes of democratization as they relate to U.S. interventionist policies in the region. The conversations and dialogues recorded in Bogotá, Buenos Aires, Caracas, Guatemala, La Paz, Managua, México City, Panamá, Santiago, San Salvador, São Paulo, and Tegucigalpa, cover topics such as individuals’ perceptions of U.S. foreign policy, democracy, leadership, and governance. The result is a wide spectrum of responses and opinions, which vary according to local situations and specific forms of government in each country.

A brief timeline of US Policy on Immigration

A brief timeline of US Policy on Immigration

For many thousands of years people have been settling the Americas. The earliest hunted, gathered, fished, and raised families in small communities. The old tradition holds that people first entered the Americas over a land bridge from Siberia to Alaska about 14,000 years ago. Recent finds, however, put the date of the oldest human remains somewhere between 25,000 and 40,000 years ago. These earliest people were not really migrants in a strict sense because they simply widened their hunting areas over many generations, gradually moving into new territory as the population expanded and the animals they were tracking moved into new habitat.

Dream Act

Dream Act, an act that would provide permanent residency to illegal alien students who graduate form U.S. high schools

This bill would provide conditional permanent residency to certain illegal and deportable alien students who graduate from US high schools, who are of good moral character, arrived in the U.S. illegally as minors, and have been in the country continuously for at least five years prior to the bill’s enactment, if they complete two years in the military or two years at a four year institution of higher learning. The students would obtain temporary residency for a six year period. Within the six year period, a qualified student must have “acquired a degree from an institution of higher education in the United States or [have] completed at least 2 years, in good standing, in a program for a bachelor’s degree or higher degree in the United States,” or have “served in the armed services for at least 2 years and, if discharged, [have] received an honorable discharge.”[2] Military enlistment contracts require an eight year commitment, with active duty commitments typically between four and six years, but as low as two years.[3][4] “Any alien whose permanent resident status is terminated [according to the terms of the Act] shall return to the immigration status the alien had immediately prior to receiving conditional permanent resident status under this Act.”[5]

Image via: http://luckybogey.wordpress.com/2010/12/01/senate-amnesty-cloture-vote-dream-act/

 

Wikipedia Entry on Immigration Reform

Wikipedia Entry on Immigration Reform

Immigration reform is a term used in political discussion regarding changes to current immigration policy of a country. In its strict definition, “reform ” means to change into an improved form or condition, by amending or removing faults or abuses.[1] In the political sense, immigration reform may include promoted, expanded, or open immigration, as well as reduced or eliminated immigration.